Self-disclosure is the process through
which one person shares private information about him- or herself with others,
usually for the development of an intimate relationship. This information, which covers
virtually everything about the person, can include and is not limited to thoughts,
feelings, dreams, goals, fears, and likes or dislikes. Although populations
from different regions or cultures tend to view self-disclosure differently, people
strikingly can spend up to either 60% or 80%, depending on where the conversation
takes place, of their conversations talking about themselves.
Among the factors that contribute to the
differences in self-disclosure, several have been well studied as pure social
factors. These include image of the self, social norms of self-disclosure, topics
of the conversation, and expectation of the future between the speaker and the
listener. The role of one interesting factor, however, remains
controversial—sex. It has been reported in multiple studies that males and
females self-disclose differently. In general, females are more willing to
self-disclose more personal information at higherfrequencies than males
do. While most researchers agree that males are more reluctant to speak about
themselves (Chelune, 1976; Rosenfeld, 1979) due to social expectations of male gender rolesand a greater need to control their privacy, it is indicated in a study by Chelune (1976) that females
do not disclose more information than males do. Instead, females simply share a
smaller amount of information each time at much higher rates. Regardless of
this minor disagreement, it appears convincing to say that males and females
differ in self-closure due to social factors. Therefore, sex induces
differences in self-disclosure via different social expectations of the two
sexes.
But wait! Can
we safely conclude that sex functions solely as a social factor, as it is more
than clear that the definition of sexes derives from biological differences
between males and females? Let’s first find out whether self-disclosure can be
biologically explained. Self-disclosure was found to be able to activate
multiple regions in the dopamine pathway. Results of a recent study (Tamir, & Mitchell, 2012) suggest that
subjects, when self-disclosing instead of describing characteristics of another
person, had significantly more activation (see attached figure) in the nucleus
accumbens (NAcc) and ventral tegmental area (VTA). These two regions are
directly involved in the dopamine pathway, controlling the secretion and
transduction of dopamine. Therefore, the activation of the NAcc and VTA will
naturally lead to a dopamine-induced euphoric feeling, which makes
self-disclosure a rewarding behavior.
This finding
led to my suspicion that there could be sex-differentiated activation in those
two regions, so that males may find self-disclosure less rewarding, compared to
females. A significant amount of research has indicated that heterosexual and
homosexual males and females differ in brain activations and behavioral
responses when performing various tasks (smelling sex hormones, doing mental
rotations, etc.). Similar to these findings, homosexuals and heterosexual
females are found to be more engaged in self-disclosure than heterosexual males
(Bliss, 2000), suggesting that NAcc and VTA activation may differ between sexes,
and even within the same sex. Unfortunately, the exact differences in brain
activation patterns were not examined. As a result, it remains unknown whether
biological differences between the two sexes in NAcc and VTA activation can
explain differences in self-disclosure. If such biological differences are
confirmed in the future, we will have a much deeper understanding of
self-disclosure, a major component of human conversations, and of peoples’
preference for self-disclosure. It is then possible to say that males, or even
individuals with less sensitive NAcc and VTA, are not socially forced to
self-disclose less, but are just born to find self-disclosure less rewarding.
In other words, stereotypes may be reduced to simple differences.
Reference
Bliss, G. K.
(2000). Self-disclosure and friendship patterns: Gender and sexual
orientation differences in same-sex and opposite-sex friendships. (Order
No. AAI9973608, Dissertation Abstracts International Section A:
Humanities and Social Sciences, , 1749. Retrieved from
http://search.proquest.com/docview/619562839?accountid=7379. (619562839;
2000-95021-096).
Chelune, G. J.
(1976). A multidimensional look at sex and target differences in disclosure. Psychological
Reports, 39(1), 259-263. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/616097333?accountid=7379
Rosenfeld,
L. B. (1979). Self‐disclosure
avoidance: Why I am afraid to tell you who I am. Communication Monographs, 46, 63-74
Tamir, D. I.,
& Mitchell, J. P. (2012). Disclosing information about the self is intrinsically
rewarding. PNAS Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the
United States of America, 109(21), 8038-8043.
doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1202129109
If someone ever does the study you propose and finds differences in NAcc or VTA between males and females who are self disclosing, do you think this is more likely a reflection of inborn differences or socialization?
ReplyDeleteI will say we need a further experiment in which two groups of male (or female) infants be raised in two different settings, one emphasizing the importance of self-disclosure and the other depreciating the value of self-disclosure. Or we can simply draw subjects from different cultures and compare the activation patterns to see the effect of socialization.
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